Showing posts with label South Florida. Show all posts
Showing posts with label South Florida. Show all posts

Thursday, May 21, 2009

Whistling Dixie in South Florida...Part 2

UPDATE: Seems they may be taking the easy way out: "Confederate flag may end Homestead parade"
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More from "NAACP, Homestead in dispute over Confederate flag." (again, all emphasis mine). Despite the "unique "small-town" atmosphere with all the urban amenities" description on the town's website, Homestead is primarily an agricultural community. It has the dubious distinction of having suffered the second costliest Atlantic hurricane in U.S. history as a result of Hurricane Andrew, a Category 5 hurricane that devastated the area on August 24, 1992. The town is still recovering and rebuilding. Situated about 30 minutes southwest of Miami proper and directly northeast of the notorious, "18-mile stretch" leading down the Keys to Key West, it is the second oldest city in Miami-Dade County. It boasts a lively tossed salad of immigrants from Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Colombia, El Salvador and Honduras with a relative sprinkling of everybody else thrown in for good measure. Republican, Lynda Bell is the first female mayor in the city's history.

''And the city of Homestead went one step further and decided to dissolve their part of the Human Relations Board,''he said.

Last month, the city council disbanded the Homestead/Florida City Human Relations Board, which was created in September 2002 after black city workers in Homestead complained of discrimination. It aimed to resolve issues involving race, immigration, police profiling, employment and housing.

The advisory board took up the issue of the flag display for six months, but did not come to a resolution with the Sons of Confederate Veterans and the chamber. The veterans group proposed flying less controversial Confederate flags at a Homestead public workshop, Bell said. But the board rejected that, ''insisting instead that the Sons of Confederate Veterans be banned entirely from all future parades,'' Bell said.

She said the changes to the human relations board, which she suggested, were implemented to make the board more reflective of the city. Hispanics make up about 60 percent of Homestead's population.

The fact that the Human Relations Board was not formed until 2002 to address racial discrimination and then disbanded only seven years later is an indication of how "Deep South" the city really is. With such an expeditious and miraculous cure for those pesky racism issues, the city ought to bottle that remedy and peddle it to the rest of the country. But I digress. The revamping of the Board follows a pattern of institutionalized racism commonly practiced where these kinds of boards, intended to address discrimination, are concerned. I've seen it firsthand. Back in 2002, an attorney with whom I worked to establish an independent Citizen's Review Board of the police department in Key West, aptly described the predictable stages of opposition. It was so dead-on, I wrote about it in one of my weekly columns in April that year. He broke it down like this (feel free to substitute city/county/federal government for police and just plain "board" for civilian oversight/review - it works):
  1. The "over our dead bodies" stage, during which the police proclaim they will never accept any type of civilian oversight under any circumstances;
  2. The "magical conversion" stage, when it becomes politically inevitable that civilian review will be adopted. At this point, former police supporters suddenly become civilian review experts and propose the weakest models;
  3. The "post-partum" resistance" stage, when the newly established review board must fight police opposition to its budget, authority, access to information, etc.
He went on to say, "Expect minor lip service to be given to civilian review coupled with recommendations for the weakest civilian review board possible." Such was the fate of the Homestead Human Relations Board - I am certain. Another tactic that has worked amazingly well to dilute the voice of the Black community across the state is redistricting (read gerrymandering). In my June 14, 2002 column, "Could Key West go the way of congressional redistricting?" I wrote:

Consideration of the three alternatives for Key West voting districts, submitted by the Redistricting and Charter Revision Commission, was tabled last month and will be revisited in July. In the brief interval between now and then, Key West's minority voters would do well to look to the mainland, paying close attention to the legal battles surrounding Florida's new Republican-drawn congressional district maps.

Democrats, as we speak, are in U.S. District Court in Miami trying to convince three federal judges that the new district maps violate the Constitution and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which was enacted to ensure that the minority vote is fairly represented. Additionally, suit has been filed in state court by Carrie Meek of Miami, Alcee Hastings of Fort Lauderdale and Corrine Brown of Jacksonville.

Florida's three black congressional representatives, the first elected since Reconstruction, contend the congressional redistricting plan as proposed will result in a substantial dilution of the black vote in their current districts. And in a June 5 Miami Herald article, Allan Lichtman, a professor at American University testifying on behalf of the redistricting challengers, agreed saying, "Several versions of races that produced black winners under old boundaries would result in toss-ups or outright defeats for black candidates now."

Democrats charge in a June 9 Herald article that the GOP has diluted Hastings' mostly black district by adding thousands of white voters, many of them residents of the Century Village condominium in Pembroke Pines.

"I'm more than happy to represent Century Village, but it will drown out the black vote," Hastings said.

Minority voters in the affected districts can expect no intervention from the U.S. Justice Department. On June 7, it concluded that the newly drawn boundaries are in compliance with the federal voting rights law.

Given all the facts above, one might wonder how the Justice Department reached that conclusion. Simple. Republicans said it was necessary in order to provide a third congressional seat in South Florida for Hispanics who are also a "protected" group, thereby satisfying Justice Department requirements. Never mind three black districts would all but disappear.

Pitting each of these minority's interests against one another, keeps the old divide and conquer routine alive and well and keeps the powers-that-be, the powers-that-be.

So, why do minority Key West voters need to pay attention? Because it appears that the exact same thing could be in the offing for Key West but the results appear more racial than partisan, particularly with the "three-district, three-at-large" and the "six-residential districts with at-large voting" proposals.

As I understand it, the first proposal would not likely ensure the election of a minority commissioner in any district since blacks and Hispanics in the three proposed districts only represent roughly one quarter of the voting population based on the 2000 Census figures. This plan could pose a problem for the city in terms of Justice Department approval.

The second proposal could also pose similar Justice Department problems given the breakdown of the numbers of blacks and Hispanics versus whites. It is questionable, though not impossible, that a minority candidate, successful in their residential district, could or would win an election citywide.

Keeping in mind that blacks and Hispanics share "protected" status, a district drawn to increase the chances of a minority representative does not necessarily have to focus exclusively on blacks. If that district incorporates Hispanic voters in the minority as well, it may be possible to achieve a high enough minority percentage to satisfy the Justice Department, as has occurred with the congressional redistricting.

Since the Supervisor of Elections has pointed out that current district lines are flawed because they were initially drawn across census block boundaries, the status quo proposal changes somewhat. But, it appears that it is still the best thing going as far as minority representation is concerned.

All registered voters have an obligation to fully understand what is on the table, so when the meeting rolls around in July, Old City Hall should be packed to the rafters.

The NAACP notwithstanding, it seems Mayor Bell, with her "more reflective of the community" comment, stands poised to use the same totally legal, voice-silencing tactics to effect changes to Homestead's Human Relations Board a similar maneuver often used by the Changeling to muffle the, "No Justice, No Peace," normally heard anytime someone mentions what he's NOT done for the Black community.)

''This board will be structured more like the Miami-Dade County Community Relations Board,'' she wrote in her e-mail. ''At the end of the day, I would think that everyone, including the NAACP, would be delighted and pleased that this Mayor and Council is working to be responsive to the entire community.'' Former Homestead Mayor Roscoe Warren and Miami-Dade County Commissioner Katy Sorenson pledged to use a softer approach -- diplomacy behind the scenes -- to work with Bell and the council to resolve the dispute. ''I'm confident we will work it out,'' said Warren, Homestead's first black mayor, who started the board in 2002. ``You don't want to elevate this [dispute] to the state and national level.''

Meanwhile, Curry hinted at a possible boycott of chamber businesses at a time when most industries have been hit by the recession. He also set his sights on the November elections. Curry pledged that the NAACP would register new voters and raise the issue of the flag if council members did not ban it from future parades. Five of the seven council members will be up for reelection in November, including the mayor.

''Someone is going to be a casualty,'' Curry said.

As has been the case in these modern days of "movements," the NAACP appears more reactive than proactive on both the Board and the flag issue. It'll be real interesting to see just how effective all the proposed back-room dealing, boycotting and registering of new voters will be. I wouldn't hold my breath.

Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Whistling Dixie in South Florida - Part 1

Having just had a conversation with the husband's decidedly, Republican family this weekend about South Carolina's battle to remove the Confederate flag from atop the State House (among other various and sundry racial topics), imagine my surprise when I came across this, "NAACP, Homestead in dispute over Confederate flag," while perusing MiamiHerald.com today.

All that sun, fun and Miami Vice-like, glitz in print and on both the big and small screens tends to fool folks into thinking that South Florida is any and everything else BUT the Deep South, particularly from Miami, on south through the Florida Keys and down to Key West. But the article, and the very interesting comments that follow surely gives the lie to that perception.

As a born-n-raised, Black, South Carolina girl who has lived in South Florida - from Miami to Key West - on several, different occasions, the dispute over the Confederate flag has long been a part of this journey of me. And as I've walked it, I've grown and evolved tremendously. Well, sort of. Okay, let's just say - some.

In any event, parts of the piece were particularly interesting (all emphasis mine):
A HURTFUL HISTORY

Since the Civil War, the Confederate battle flag has been a controversial symbol in American history. For some, it represents Southern heritage and evokes pride. Supporters have brought the battle flag to such events as the January's 24th Annual Kiss Country Chili Cook-Off and Concert in Pembroke Pines.

For others, it serves as a harsh reminder of slavery and racism. Thousands of white Mississippians, for example, waved Confederate flags when then Gov. Ross Barnett declared in 1962 that integration would never take place on his watch.

"Initially, we all thought this [Confederate flag-waving at the Homestead parade] was a matter of stupidity and all it would take would be to educate people that the flag is a symbol of terrorism," said Bradford Brown, first vice president of the Miami-Dade, NAACP chapter.
First of all, the Confederate battle flag will always be a controversial issue in these "united" states because let's face it, it does represent two sides of a diametrically opposed historical coin - depending on the lens through which the coin is viewed and who's doing the viewing.
For a long time (here's where that, "evolving some" comes in), I was definitely a member of the no-holds barred, no-Confederate-flag-wavin'-'round-me group. Its mere presence was, "a harsh reminder of slavery and racism."
But I can tell you exactly when I, ever so slightly, moved away from that position to the current limbo of sorts in which I find myself today. I even had a picture of it (said picture has apparently gotten lost over our many moves since I can't seem to find the damn thing. Back then, there was no saving to a CD, much less your camera!). I do, however, remember it like it was yesterday for some odd reason.

We'd moved to San Antonio, Texas in 1994 where we stayed for seven years. At the age of 10, my youngest son met a tow-headed blond kid, of East Texas parents, who would remain his best friend to this day. My son is now 25 - they still hang out.

On one of our annual "Let's get the hell out of Texas" summer vacations, we decided to take Calvin with us . He'd never, left the state before and I thought it'd be a great experience for him. The five of us and the dog piled into the Jeep and drove from Texas to South Carolina - an interesting undertaking, considering everybody except the dog was at least my size!

It was a wonderful and eventful trip (I won't even go into the three-car accident my oldest had while driving around town with the other two that extended my stay by a week! They still, to this day, blame it on a bee flying in the window!). Every time we crossed a state line, we'd stop so the guys could hop out and pose for a picture on every "Welcome to..." sign. When we got to my mother's, we decided we'd go downtown and do the whole tourist thing. The next day, we headed for historic, downtown Charleston.

We spent some time at The Old Slave Mart (preserved and restored - Lest we forget). There are sales transactions for "property" of another kind now at the open air vendors and shops which are also a part of the building today. I stopped in the doorway to talk to the Sweet grass basket ladies while the boys went through the stalls. Suddenly I heard a loud, "Man! This is so cool!"

Just beyond the doorway where my husband and I were standing, we could see Calvin and my youngest in a stall. With the sun streaming in from a small window overhead, I could see he was holding up possibly the biggest Confederate battle flag I'd ever seen. It had a picture of his favorite country music singer, Hank Williams, Jr., sewn smack dab in the middle of it. I looked at my husband, he looked at me, and I snapped the picture.

In that moment, it hit me - the flag controversy was not an either/or, but a both and. As the piece points out, to this kid, "it represents Southern heritage and evokes pride." To this not-yet a teen-aged kid, it was not, as Brown points out above, a "symbol of terrorism" on that sunny Low Country day, but his favorite singer on the Stars and Bars that his family holds dear. Jarring, to say the least.

Over the years since, I've still not yet figured out what exactly to do with this not-particularly-Teutonic shift in my thinking. But since it is a shift, nevertheless, I have at least acknowledged that there are huge challenges to figuring out how to somehow reconcile the two sides into something which marginalizes neither. I'm still workin' on it.
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